Specialists Sessions / EAUH 2024 Cities at the Boundaries (2024)

The social andeconomic advancement ofeastern European Jews intheearly 20^thcentury brought about changes intraditional social, political andeconomical structures, which were previously based onsmall-town communities. One ofthefactors contributing totherapid development ofŁódź as anindustrial city inthe20^thcentury was theinflux ofJewish population fromsmall towns, known as "shtetls" inYiddish, located inPoland, Lithuania, andBelarus. Thousands ofJews migrated here insearch ofwork andcareer opportunities, creating, alongside other city dwellers, aunique conglomerate ofdiverse religions, languages, andnational affiliations coexisting inanindustrial metropolis. These communities lived closely together yet belonged toentirely distinct worlds. Inthecase ofŁódź, theinteractions among thePolish, Jewish, German, andRussian populations can be seen as relationships between thedominant group andminority groups, bearing inmind that Łódź was acity withaunique dynamics where minorities collectively outweighed themajority intheurban space. Moreover, after theRussian partition period, thedominant group inŁódź shifted tothePolish community.

The relationships between theJewish minority anddominant groups inŁódź were, therefore, complex andmultifaceted. Todescribe such anuanced reality, theconcept ofthe"contact zone," introduced by scholar Mary Louise Pratt, widely used inJewish studies, provides aninfluential andwell-applied framework for better understanding theintersections ofdifferent cultures. Thepostcolonial perspective, fromwhich this concept originates, offers useful tools for comprehending these interactions. Thecontact zone represents aspace where previously isolated groups come into contact, interact, anddefine differences. It is aplace where power imbalances andasymmetric colonization relationships are played out, leading tocultural exchange andmutual influence. This is not aneutral orharmonious space; it is aplace where colonizers wield power, andthecolonized are subject toviolence andinequality, withthechoice between resistance oradaptation toprevailing conditions. Thecontact zone is characterized by conflicts andstruggles for power andrecognition, andthenature ofinteractions within it can vary significantly depending onthespecific historical andcultural context. It can encompass physical spaces, as well as more abstract spaces like cultural exchanges through language, religion, oreducation. Inmy work Iwill analyze one ofthemost frequently described ormentioned places inthese texts: thecourtyard. It serves as anexcellent case study toexamine thewebs ofmutual connections inthecontact zone andtheboundaries defined indaily life. Thetexts under discussion depict Łódź fromtheearly 20^thcentury to1939. They primarily consist ofmemoirs, which were published after theHolocaust, withasmaller number ofliterary fiction focusing onthecity. Memoirs were authored by individuals who were not scholars but often possessed literary talent, based ontheir personal experiences. Consequently, they pose certain challenges as historical sources due tofrequent factual errors andthelack ofobjectivity onthepart oftheauthors inportraying theevents they describe, including atendency topresent their "own" group inafavorable light. Nevertheless, when approached using postcolonial tools, these memoirs can be utilized as source material toexplore thepoints ofintersection mentioned within thetexts.

This contribution discusses theresearch conducted by physician andhygienist Johannes Wilhelmus Schick (1818-1853) in1852 onthevictims ofthecholera epidemic inTheHague in1849. Thecurrent situation inTheHague during theCOVID-19 epidemic can be partially compared totheperiod between 1830 and1870. Inrecent years, TheHague has experienced significant densification due togrowth, migration, housing division, androoming. Large numbers ofapartments were purchased andrented out atexorbitant prices tonewcomers inthecity, exacerbating thelack ofaffordable new housing construction. Schick was ason ofwealthy German craftsmen who moved toTheHague.

After theFrench Period (1795-1813), thepopulation ofTheHague grew significantly andtheold city became more densely populated. Most ofthenew residents were migrants fromtheprovinces, Germany, andtheSouthern Netherlands. Mansions that were inpoor condition were temporarily divided into smaller units, andcourtyards were quickly filled withone-room dwellings. These newcomers were particularly affected by epidemics like cholera andtyphus, just as today's newcomers are affected by COVID-19 because ofthepoor living environment. Present-day municipal executive face similar challenges tothose inthe1850s, when thecity's existing areas became overcrowded andunsanitary, resulting inwidespread illness such as cholera andtyphoid. Therelevance ofthis research lies incomparing thesituation inthecity then tothepresent.

Schick's research was published in1852 under thetitle OntheHealth ofTheHague. Thearticle claims that Schick's research was thefirst toconnect thefields ofpathology, statistics, andlocation conditions, which had asignificant impact onhow cities withafocus onhealth were perceived. This marked thebeginning ofamovement ofhygienists, agroup ofindividuals who shared thegoal ofimproving sanitation andpromoting healthy cities andhomes inTheNetherlands. Inaddition todoctors, Schick's research expanded thehygienist movement toinclude engineers andarchitects. As aresult ofthis research, numerous new initiatives andlegislation were introduced inthesecond half ofthenineteenth century inareas such as housing, urban planning, andtheconstruction ofessential facilities like drinking water andsewers toeliminate negative location factors.

Schick's research demonstrates aparadigm shift that occurred fromthepre-modern city tothemodern city, where hygiene andfacilities like drinking water, sewers, andhealthy homes are essential. Schick connected epidemics andtheovercrowding ofthecity's canals withlarge groups ofvulnerable newcomers after theFrench Era. Theparadigm shift seemed tohappen quietly atthetime, but looking back, it clearly separates theperception ofcities before andafter Schick's findings. For example, thehousing association Koninklijke Woningbouwvereniging 1854 was founded in1854 andthehygienic movement ofTheHague Vereeniging tot Onderzoek naar de Middelen ter Verbetering van den Gezondheidstoestand derGemeente 's-Gravenhage was founded in1866.

Schick's research took place during atime ofsignificant administrative changes intheNetherlands, coinciding withtheimplementation ofThorbecke's parliamentarism. Schick followed his lectures attheUniversity ofLeiden. This period marked aturning point, withtheold city preceding it andthemodern city following it. Political reforms, improvements inhygiene innewly developed neighborhoods, andtheconstruction ofnew houses became increasingly important during this time. His friend andbrother inlaw was thelater professor Jonckbloet, awell know progressive liberal politician who promotes thework ofSchick inthesecond part ofthenineteenth century. These developments ultimately led totheadoption oftheHousing Act by parliament in1901.

This shift inperspective orparadigm can also be easily seen oncity maps. Inthemaps ofVan derPoth 1812, Zürcher from1817, Zeger Reijers from1833, andBelinfante from1847, thecity was represented withall theimportant buildings, everything within thebuilding line was not drawn orshaded. In1868, onbehalf oftheVereeniging tot Onderzoek naar de Middelen ter Verbetering van den Gezondheidstoestand derGemeente 's-Gravenhage, surveyor Last andmapmaker Lobatto created acity map that meticulously indicated theslums andpoverty, thus highlighting thesignificance ofSchick's work. Schick's insights became theguiding principle for hygienists, urban planners, andarchitects inTheHague until theSecond World War. One year after publishing his study in1853, thephysician Schick died oftyphoid fever attheage of36.

The 19^thcentury was acentury ofamassive decline inmortality andanepidemiological transformation, which was associated withthetransition fromademographic regime withahigh incidence ofinfectious diseases toamodern society withthepredominance oflifestyle diseases. Theongoing rapid urbanization led tothedeterioration ofliving conditions inoverpopulated cities. One oftheimportant causes ofdeath was diseases ofthedigestive system, often related toaccess tocontaminated water. Inmany cities, including Poznań, access toclean water became common only attheend ofthe19^thcentury thanks tothesanitary reforms introduced atthat time.

During thefirst half ofthe19^thcentury, Brno became one ofthemost important industrial centres oftheHabsburg Monarchy thanks tothemassive wave ofindustrialisation inthewool industry. Therapid economic development is perhaps comparable only tothesimilar process intextile production inManchester, England, which is why Brno earned thenickname oftheMoravian orAustrian Manchester.

Brno suburbs located ontheeastern edge ofthecity under thecity walls, such as Dolní andHorní Cejl, Náhon, Hráze, Příkop, Josefov andZábrdovice, had asignificant share inthedevelopment oftextile production. Theattention will be focused onthelast mentioned suburb.

The location ofZábrdovice infront ofthewalls oftheprovincial capital was advantageous for theactivities ofcrafts that could not be carried out intheinner town. Thewater source intheSvitava River was essential for thedevelopment ofindustry inZábrdovice. As aresult, fromtheend ofthe18^thcentury onwards, weavers, weavers andcutters andjourneymen began tosettle inZábrdovice.

Zábrdovice was one ofthelocalities where thepopulation grew rapidly as aresult ofindustrialisation, increasing by 229% between 1797 and1846. Fromtheend ofthe18^thcentury tothe1840s, there was also arapid change ofproperty owners, as evidenced by thetown directories. In1850, Zábrdovice became part oftheSecond Municipal District ofBrno andthepopulation increased due totheabolition ofpatrimonial administration andthepossibility offree movement.

Population growth, unsuitable living conditions, andheavy physical labour have had animpact onthemortality rate. Theinhabitants ofZábrdovice had toface various infectious diseases such as smallpox, typhoid fever, dysentery, tuberculosis, scarlet fever andcholera. For theperiod 1784-1867, mortality by age andsex, stillbirth andinfant mortality, causes ofdeath, andseasonality will be examined using theZábrdovice death records.

No larger city intheRussian Empire was subjected togreater political discrimination than Warsaw. Following thePartitions of1772-1795, it had functioned as chief city totheautonomous Congress Kingdom (1815-1830) which, despite the1830-1831 November Uprising, remained informal existence until theJanuary Uprising of1863-1864. Thepolitical backlash ofthis latter event led tothe'Kingdom's' incorporation into theEmpire, known fromhereon as theVistula territories (Привислинский край), andWarsaw's subjugation tothewhims ofimperial bureaucracy. The«double whammy» came withtheimperial military command's decision toencircle thecity withaseries offortifications andouter forts fromthe1880s onwards, declassified in1911.

This political subjugation andcurtailing ofspatial growth, as well as failed Russification, happened tocoincide withthemost crucial period inWarsaw's urban history. Thecity experienced its most intensive period ofurban expansion frombarely 200,000 towhat amounted toover amillion inhabitants by 1914* (i.e. 400% growth, compared toameagre 30% for theinter-war years andbarely 300% from1946 to2022). Theunavoided aspects ofWarsaw's large-scale development may be broadly defined by thelimitations imposed by St Petersburg upon municipally led building programmes andits overall spatial growth, leading tothecity becoming one ofthemore densely populated built-up areas ofWestern andEastern-Central Europe. Paradoxical features borne out ofthis extraordinary era include Warsaw's far-reaching transformation fromamedium sized city into acosmopolitan metropolis atthetrading andbanking-financial watershed between Russia andWestern Europe, inwhich theJewish population played as much ofakey role as thePoles. Architecture was exceptionally diverse, being dominted by thetenement house as one oftheearliest building forms accommodating immense demographic increase.

* Including suburban demographics.

During thelate 19th andearly 20th centuries, theRussian Empire underwent aperiod ofrapid modernization inwhich thedevelopment ofmodern communication andrailway systems was themain impetus. Theexpansion oftheimperial borders led tothedevelopment oftherailway infrastructure towards theperipheries oftheEmpire. Inthis context, Tiflis, thecapital city oftheSouth Caucasus, experienced growth along thenorth-south axis intheeastern part ofthecity following theconstruction ofthePoti-Tbilisi railway. Theestablishment ofsuburbs surrounding railway lines emerged as aresponse topopulation growth, thehigh cost ofliving, andtheinsufficiency ofhousing options both inquantity andaffordability. These areas primarily attracted railway employees andimmigrants seeking settlement. Attheturn ofthetwentieth century, residential areas associated with"fresh air" emerged alongside worker's neighborhoods. Inaddition tohousing issues, suburban growth was driven by problems such as traffic congestion, air pollution, andsanitation. It was theresponsibility oftheself-government ofTiflis toaddress these urban issues.

This study focuses onnew suburban areas ofTiflis, theself-government's pursuit ofurban solutions, andinfrastructural improvements. It will examine therole ofprofessionals informing theurban landscape andtheself-government's endeavors tofollow Western models intheir objective ofurban improvement through ananalysis ofdocuments fromtheNational Archives ofGeorgia andperiodicals oftheself-government kept intheNational Parliamentary Library ofGeorgia.

In theearly 1900s many Polish authors depicting maladies andshortcomings ofthePolish Kingdom's (ten westernmost governorates oftheRussian Empire) urban life were promoting theWestern-oriented "art ofbuilding towns" – acomplex

approach toplanning, perceived as open for national reinterpretations. Existing cities were portrayed as chaotic, deprived ofmodern infrastructure andpublic services, lacking architectural integrity. Social turmoil was also discussed as aneffect ofthepoor urban governance over Polish Kingdom, were towns lacked self-government completely, being subordinated toimperial administration, criticized by nation-oriented reformers as corrupted anddeprived ofskills enabling modernization.

But, contrary tomany press accounts fromtheperiod, town planning system inthePolish Kingdom not only existed, but also many urban regulation schemes had been produced andimplemented. Inthis contribution Iwill show circ*mstances inwhich municipalities across thePolish Kingdom invested considerable amounts ofmoney andtime inpreparation ofland surveys andplanning documents for their towns, not only for expanding industrial metropolises like Warsaw, Łódź orCzęstochowa but also for provincial centres. Iwill also argue that for reformers, interested inthePolish national emancipation fromRussia, administrative planning was anoppressive, imperial tool ofhom*ogenization. Discussing crisis ofthetown planning system inthe1900s, Iwill propose close readings ofpolitical interests, invested inspatial regulatory practices, discussing theimperial andnational contest of"paper towns" anddifferent conceptions ofthepolitical future oftheregion.

My paper aims toreveal how often, withwhat intention, andunder what circ*mstances women involved themselves inprivate annuity transactions, demonstrated via thelate medieval Viennese example.

The region east oftheElbe is still under-represented intheliterature onmedieval financial andeconomic history, animbalance my research seeks tocorrect. Thegoal ofmy study is toenhance our understanding ofhow thenewly developed financial instruments andinstitutions oflate medieval Europe impacted upon thelife oftheurban people, particularly women.

Data has been gathered fromextensive archival research, andthecollected dataset includes heritable andlife annuity transactions issued by private individuals inlate medieval Vienna between 1367 and1450.

In this paper, Ipropose topresent three main outcomes ofthequantitative andqualitative analysis ofthedata. First, my research has revealed anotable decline inwomen's participation inprivate annuity transactions during thefirst half ofthefifteenth century compared tothepreceding decades ofthefourteenth century. Secondly, thecollected data suggests that women, through their significant level ofparticipation, played acrucial role intheestablishment ofprivate annuities as aform ofborrowing inthefirst half, while during thesecond half oftheperiod facilitated religious organisations tobecome large lenders. Lastly, Ialso wish tocover that women, who participated inprivate annuties, were frommainly theupper classes oftheurban social structure, although thefinancial product would have also provided access tocredit for women fromlower social positions.

Based onsuch analysis, my paper provides animportant avenue ofinquiry for understanding thefull impact ofhigh medieval economic growth, integration onsociety andmore particularly thetransformation inthesocial andeconomic position ofwomen.

How capable were women inbusiness? Inwhat professions could they be involved? Which female occupations were considered honorable, andwhich were considered less respectable?

Information about women, including their business ability andthejobs they engaged in, can be found invarious sources, such as civil andcriminal records, marriage records, wills, statutes, censuses, lists ofgrain buyers, registers etc. InIstrian towns during thetransition fromtheMiddle Ages totheearly modern period, women were frequently mentioned as sellers offood products inmarkets, laborers infields andvineyards, domestic servants, andmost notably, as midwives – anoccupation that was predominantly female inthepre-modern era. This presentation aims toexplore thebusiness skills andoccupations that women were involved inwithin theIstrian towns during thepre-modern period.

Cemeteries are often depicted as 'cities' inminiature, complete withstreet grids, house-like mausolea, andwell-defined 'neighbourhoods'. They are complex, tightly regulated, andpublicly scrutinised environments that are perceived as 'eternal'. This paper examines thereception ofchange inAustralian public cemeteries by civic groups who advocate for 'greening' andheadstone preservation. Inparticular, it looks athow groups opposed topractices ofgrave reuse frame their arguments inthewider context ofurban change, including densification, public sector privatisation, andcontested heritage.

This project draws onfieldwork withlarge cemetery trusts andwithad-hoc civic groups who advocate for theperpetual care ofgraves inageing cemeteries andtend toplantings andmaintenance atthose sites. Building onland use andplanning data, historical records, andextensive interviews it illuminates therelationship between cemeteries andsurrounding communities, particularly intheways that cemetery 'reactivation' intersects withrace, class, andIndigeneity. Inprobing Australian necrogeography, this project examines how cemeteries fit into larger conversations onurban change.

The Ankang Interrogation andDetention Center has been amajor tool for theimplementation oftheauthoritarian regime oftheKMT, fromthebeginning ofthe1970 up totheend oftheMartial Law in1987. Since then it has been left unused, andhas almost preserved all its original features, including thevideo-recording system.

Its unique value lies inthefact that it has been designed has aprototype for thevery purpose ofinterrogating anddetaining themost sensitive political dissidents, especially thesuspected communists, andlater theleaders ofthedemocratic movement known as theFormosa group in1979.

Its architectural design andfeatures seems anapplication by thebook oftheprinciples andtechniques ofmind coercion andsubmission detailed ininterrogation andtorture manuals ofthe60', such as theKUBARK. More amachine than amere building, Ankang, can be described as part ofapowerfull "dispositif" todestroy thepsyche ofthepersons detained andinterrogated here.

Located inthemountainous suburbs ofXindian district, south ofTaipei, it consists infour main buildings. Theinterrogation takes place inthe"working area", then thedetainees are sent tothe"resting area" where there are left insolitary confinement cells. Thetwo building are linked by atunnel. If not two miradors which indicate thepurpose ofthearchitectural complex, its appearance not differs fromtheadministrative buildings ofthat time.

The interior architecture alternates very mineral andresonating corridors, withsound-proofed interrogation rooms anddetention cells, filled withsound andvideo recorders concealed inthewalls andceilings. Thewalls are covered white snow-white acoustic boards, andlight is left onnight andday.

The preservation ofsuch anarchitectural complex is ofgreat value for thenew generation who have not experienced authoritarian regimes, tounderstand theshift that the"brain warfare" during thepost war cold war, imposed intheconception ofinterrogation anddetention centers for political dissidents. Fromthetestimony ofthedetainees themselves, thelevel ofterror that such anarchitectural "white terror" creates, overwhelms physical violence andtorture.

The city ofDiu is situated ontheisland ofthesame name, located atthesouthern tip oftheKathiawar peninsula, belonging tothestate ofGujarat, India. Conquered by thePortuguese in1535, Diu remained under Portuguese rule until 1961, when theterritory was integrated into theIndian Union. Thestrong Portuguese presence combined withlocal Gujarati andIslamic influences fromits insertion onthetrade routes between East Africa, theMiddle East, theIndian subcontinent andeven theFar East, gave rise toaunique city withstrong cross-cultural characteristics that are reflected inits rich urban andarchitectural heritage.

During Portuguese rule, thecity maintained adual matrix typical ofIndo-Portuguese cities, where theCatholic city built near thefortifications was complemented by thenative city located further away. Even theinterpenetrations between thetwo urban centres, which were attempted fromthe18^thcentury onwards by thePortuguese, were not enough tobreak down thebarriers between thetwo centres. Thedecades following Diu's integration into India, as part oftheindependent territorial union ofGujarat, largely maintained this mixed Indo-Portuguese flavour, which made Diu asmall, quiet town compared tothehustle andbustle ofthebig Indian cities.

However, inthe2010s, adevelopment programme was set up for theisland which, among other things, exploited precisely this exotic character (in Indian eyes) ofaquiet Europeanised town witharich architectural heritage: the"Island ofCalm" ("Ilha de Calma", written precisely inPortuguese language). Several heritage interventions were carried out by thelocal government, withthesupport ofINTACH - Indian National Trust for Art andCultural Heritage, andsome were also promoted by theArchdiocese ofGoa andDaman; however, several ofthese interventions were contested, not only because oftheir colonial symbolism, but also because ofthedamage that the(alleged) restorations caused tothemonuments, insome cases reinventing them inorder tomake them more attractive toarapidly developing tourist sector inIndia.

Even Diu's urban matrix has been distorted by thereplacement ofold houses withnew buildings and, above all, by theurban explosion that has taken place over thelast two decades. Thetwo traditional urban centres that always existed inthePortuguese period andinthefirst decades ofDiu's integration into India have faded, also as aresult oftheemigration ofDiu's people toEurope andthewaves ofimmigration fromother Indian states, which have contributed todiluting Diu's unique character. Thepost-colonial issues, where Indo-Portuguese heritage is becoming gradually contested, also appears tobe aserious problem, withtherecent destruction ofheritage associated withtheidentity ofthelocal Catholic minority.

This proposal aims toanalyse anddebate theurban evolution ofDiu, especially inthelast decade, during which there has been anurban explosion inthecity andanattempt topatrimonialise thecity for tourism purposes. Some comparative examples ofother colonial cities inIndia that have been thetarget ofattempts atpatrimonialisation, such as Pondicherry (a former French colonial city) orTranquebar (a former Danish colonial city), will be taken into account also. Equally important will be thedebate ontheheritage interventions carried out inDiu, pitting European andlocal heritage visions against each other: what for aWesterner could be seen as thedestruction/devirtuation ofheritage, for anIndian could be preservation.

The aftermath oftheFirst World War was awave ofmemorials erected across Europe tocommemorate thefallen. Themonuments, located inthearea ofmain streets andsquares, public parks andcemeteries, took avariety offorms: fromsimple stelae toelaborate sculptural compositions. This phenomenon was present inCentral Europe too, including theregion ofSilesia, which features acomplex history andmultiple changes ofnational affiliation over thecenturies. In18^thcentury Silesia became apart ofGermany, since 1945 thevast majority oftheregion is located mostly inPoland. After theSecond World War many memorials relating totheGerman cultural sphere disappeared fromtheurban landscape, some were transformed, less numerous preserved intheoriginal version.

The aim ofthis study is anattempt todefine theimage, place androle oftheFirst World War memorials intheurban space oftheinterwar Silesia. Thescope ofthis study is limited totowns andcities oftheregion. Thecore oftheresearch is ananalysis ofthememorials onthebasis ofselected criteria inorder toformulate corresponding typologies. Firstly, thelocation ofwar memorials inSilesian towns is examined onthebasis ofdesk research andfield studies. Secondly, theanalysis ofform, composition, stylistics andsymbolic content is carried out. Thirdly, therelation between themonument andthesurrounding space is considered. Furthermore, thesocial role ofthemonuments for thelocal community is defined. Finally, thesynthesized results oftheanalysis form expected typologies regarding location, formal andspacial solutions, symbology andurban context. They also indicate not only therepeatable features andunique elements ofthememorials, but their artistic value andinspirations. Thestudy contributes totheexpansion oftheknowledge ofthehistory andheritage oftheinterwar Silesia.

The paper will present theconclusions oftheproject TheMoravian Compromise as aLaboratory for theNationalization ofPolitics andLaw: theNational Partitioning ofMoravian Towns in1905-1914. Inhistorical memory, Moravian industrial towns (Brno/Moravian Ostrava/Vítkovice/Olomouc etc.) became asymbol oftheCzech-German national conflict attheturn ofthe19^th and20^thcenturies.

As anattempt atreducing national conflict, theMoravian Compromise has thus far been explored as aMoravian phenomenon (mitigating tension by means ofpersonal national autonomy) andas aCisleithanian one (the culmination ofnationalisation). Wholly neglected has been theimpact oftheMoravian Compromise atlocal level, inthedaily lives ofordinary citizens. Thus, we have chosen totap theabundant primary source material for thelargest ofMoravia's linguistically mixed towns. Thesociety ofthese towns is themain actor ofour story. Astory inwhich themandatory national classification enacted by theMoravian Compromise is both cause andeffect. It is anundeniable consequence oftheintensifying process ofnationalisation ofpolitics, culture, andpublic life. Theview "from below", fromthecommunal level, should enable theperception ofboth causes andconsequences where, fromtheview fromthecentre, only theconsequences are recognizable.

The paper will provide answers tothefollowing questions:
Why did Moravian towns become asymbol oftheethnic conflict between Germans andCzechs?
Why did it escalate intheindustrial towns? Why did theresolution oftheethnic conflict become apriority for Social Democracy instead ofdealing withpublic health issues?
Did theconclusion oftheMoravian Compromise (1905) lead toethnic reconciliation inMoravian cities?
What were theactual effects oftheMoravian Compromise onthecoexistence ofCzech andGerman ethnic groups intheurban societies studied?

This paper will focus onthecity ofSzatmár-Németi/Satu Mare from1867 to1930. Thecity was industrializing during thedualist period oftheAustrian-Hungarian kingdom, receiving aninflux ofJewish settlers, andhaving aRomanian rural hinterland. During this period, theofficial center ofSzatmár County was Nagy-Károly, even though Szatmár-Németi became more significant andmore economically significant as several industrial companies were established there. Thelinguistic Hungarian definition ofethnicity made theindustrial sector anessential tool innationalizing Magyars (Hungarian speakers) ofJews andRomanians inthecity.

During theHungarian republics in1918-1919, thesocial andnational questions were confronted andsettled locally, mirroring theethnic andsocial circ*mstances ofanindustrialized city ontheHungarian-Romanian ethnic borderlands witharelatively large share ofJews. In1919, thecity became part ofRomania, andtheRomanian local elite initiated aprocess ofRomanianization. However, as thecity had apopulation of95 per cent ofHungarian speakers, thecity became asignificant challenge for theenlarged Romanian state tonationalize. TheMinority Treaties restricted thestrategy ofRomanianization oftheindustrial sector inthe1930's. Therefore, theRomanianization ofthelocal industrial sector was accomplished by state loans tospecific companies provided withstate contracts.

The paper will analyze how thenationality andsocial questions were discussed, especially therelationship between thesocalled Jewish andRomanian questions during thedualist period. It will also analyze this over theHungarian republics' transition into theRomanian period inthe1930's. Furthermore, it will deal withtheimportance oflanguage andreligion inthis process. Lastly, it will address thesecurity issues concerning theRomanian andHungarian questions withthetransborder mechanism andquestions ofirridentism.

Pilsen, thesecond biggest city intheKingdom ofBohemia, experienced significant growth andtransformation during thesecond half ofthenineteenth century. Anold medieval town evolved into one ofthemost important industrial centers oftheHabsburg monarchy andhome toits largest armament plant, as well as theworld-famous Pilsner Urquell brewery. Thehistory ofindustrialization was inthis case also ahistory ofgradual nationalization, as Pilsen became another arena oftheall-Bohemian Czech-German national struggle.

In my paper, Iwant toinvestigate theintersection ofthese two phenomena. Iwill analyze strategies thelocal industry employed tominimize, overcome, oruse thenational conflict topursue their own economic goals. Ontheother hand, Iwill discuss how nationalist activists fromboth sides perceived theindustrial city andused its resources toimplement their agenda. Iwill also look for specific areas offriction orcooperation facilitated by theindustrial environment.

On thetheoretical level, Iwill build ontheconceptual framework ofcritical security studies. Iwould like toemphasize theimportance ofnotions such as security andthreat inthenational conflict andanalyze, whether all-Bohemian patterns apply tothespecific industrial setting ofPilsen. Thesame can be said about theories regarding theinterconnectedness ofnationalism andindustrialization – thegoal ofmy paper will be tocheck them against thereality ofthis particular nationally contested city andshow thevariety ofstrategies employed by different actors.

Research onthesuburbs ofFrench cities has extensively covered themedieval andcontemporary periods, yet theperiod between theXVIth andearly XIXth centuries remains relatively understudied. Thepopulation's relative prominence insuburbs compared toenclosed central areas varies significantly fromcity tocity andregion toregion. Historical maps also reveal thediffering sizes anddensities ofsuburbs inany given city.

Existing literature typically attributes divergent developments tothree main factors. Firstly, topographic constraints often lead totheemergence ofsmaller suburbs. Secondly, economic specialization, driven by specific resource demands (e.g., water), need for open spaces, orlegal advantages (reflecting thebarrier effect ofthecity's juridical boundaries, such as theocroi tax), can foster rapid andspatially significant growth. Thirdly, theflows onthemain axes, which link thecity toits more distant systems, would polarize housing invarying degrees according totheir importance. However, these factors overlook theinterdependence ofsuburbs andurban centers, especially interms ofdistance, acrucial component ofcity dynamics.

This study hypothesizes that disparities inthesize anddensity ofsuburbs within acity are also contingent withtheir accessibility totheurban center. Thecommunication aims totest this hypothesis through spatial analysis methods, using data often northern French cities intheearly XIXth century, i.e. Compiègne, Ham, La Fère, Nesle, Noyon, Paris, Péronne, Roye, Saint-Quentin, andSoissons. These cities have diverse historical origins andpositions within thepolitical-administrative framework oftheterritories, andare also representative ofthediversity ofthedemographic urban hierarchy atthat time. Initial spatial data is derived frommilitary maps, offering theadvantage ofdetailed, harmonized 1:40,000-scale representations ofthearea under study.

Historic linear settlements are characteristic ofVienna's outer districts - not least because they represented athoroughly common form ofsettlement agglomeration inlarge parts ofthearea ofinfluence oftheAustrian Habsburg monarchies. Onthebasis ofamorpho-analytical approach within aclearly defined research area, thepaper examines theextent towhich thelocation andconception ofthese historical villages were formative for urban development (end ofthe19^thcentury tothepresent) andwhat role thelinear settlement structures play intoday's cityscape, which nowadays is characterised by polycentricity andpatchwork structures.

Vienna has anextraordinarily compact andclear structure - but theboarder districts totheleft oftheDanube, called 'Transdanubia', present acompletely different, heterogeneous pattern: anurban sprawl, aseemingly incoherent juxtaposition ofmany different building typologies.

Until thesecond half ofthe19^thcentury, Transdanubia was mainly characterised by agriculture andsmall-scale, scattered linear settlement structures. Thetypology ofthese linear compact village agglomerations, withtheir many subtypes, followed precise planning guidelines. They created aloose, large-meshed settlement network that cultivated andatthesame time shaped landscape andterritory alike.

With theregulation oftheRiver Danube in1875, which until then had historically represented anatural border withits marshy floodplains andits many small side arms anddrifts, Vienna was finally able toexpand tothenorth-east - toTransdanubia. As aresult, very different urban planning approaches have been pursued here up tothepresent day, guided by various political andeconomic phases as well as diverse urban planning concepts. But inall these efforts ofdevelopment andre-densification, thehistorical network ofthelinear settlements has always remained formative. Their basic structure has persisted andconstitutes toform local centres withdifferent characteristics.

The paper shows inwhat way thenetwork ofhistorical linear settlements influenced urban development ontheperiphery ofthecity - aninquiry that sofar has not been conducted inthehistorical setting ofVienna. Aspecial focus is placed onthesecond half ofthe20^thcentury, when motorisation inparticular introduced new building forms andinfrastructures: What were theconnections, interactions andconsequences for thehistorical typologies? Furthermore, thecentres that are vital toTransdanubia's daily existence will be investigated, as well as thepart that linear settlements play inthedebate over local centres inthemodern cityscape.

In theclosest vicinity ofmany important cities over thecourse oftime another urban centres emerged. Situation inWarsaw, which served as theearly modern capital ofthePolish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, was no exception. Fromthebeginning ofthe17^th c. theimportance ofWarsaw as aroyal seat, place ofparliamentary meetings andofimportant urban andeconomic activities grew. This was associated withsignificant urban development andterritorial expansion. Inthe17^th and18^th c. around Warsaw dozen ofvery small urban orquasi-urban localities were established. Such settlements were called most often "jurydyka" insources, but were also sometimes called simply towns. These jurisdic­tions, characterized by diverse socio-economic structures andgovernance systems, played avital role inshaping thecity neighborhood's spatial dynamics. Atthebeginning of1790's all those localities were united withWarsaw inone urban centre.

In our paper we would like tostress achosen aspects ofthose small urban centres' existence. We will focus onthespatial andsocial conditions ofthose settlements. Did they develop organically orurban fabric was regulated? How big were they? Did they have typical urban facilities like e.g. town halls ormarket squares? How they related toWarsaw's urban andsuburban space? Is it legitimate tocall them towns?

While inIsfahan inthe1670s, theFrench jeweler andtraveler Jean Chardin expressed his amazement attheabundance he observed inthecity, especially considering thecity's landlocked nature andlarge distance fromany sea andnavigable water. He attributed this marvelous abundance tothecity's agricultural hinterlands: more than 1500 villages ofremarkable beauty andfertility within the30-mile radius ofIsfahan, which provided themajority ofthefood consumed inthecity.

In thescholarship, cities oftheIslamic world have not only been themain sites ofscholarly attention but also have often been treated as independent units ofanalysis. This is while up until recent times, andcertainly inthemedieval andearly modern period, most ofthese cities depended ontheir hinterlands for thefood andraw materials consumed inthecity. Furthermore, thesocio-cultural life ofthecity was also connected withthese productive hinterlands via theinstitution ofwaqf. Endowments that supported many urban public institutions, such as mosques, schools, hospitals, andother such amenities, were largely supported by therevenue generated invillages andproductive estates. Endowment deeds, thus, encapsulate invisible financial lines that connected thecity's social, cultural, religious, andpolitical life tovillages andsettlements laid outside thecity proper.

Focusing onthecity ofIsfahan, atit* heydays during theseventeenth andearly eighteenth century andclosely examining two royal endowment deeds that supported major religious-civic institutions inthecity (the Royal Mosque andMadreseh-ye Soltani), this paper suggests analternative framework for thinking about pre-modern Islamic cities, where city andits surrounding villages, productive estates, andother natural resources are seen as acontinuum, andtreated as one unit ofanalysis.

Drawing onfield surveys andarchival research, this contribution explores theemergence ofso-called Ruralisme inMorocco as atechnical andideological approach torural planning andvillage design during thesecond half ofthe20^th century. Apeculiar combination ofdeterminist regional planning models andrudimentary participatory practices based onlocalist principles, Ruralisme proved widely influential inMorocco andtheMaghreb region. Yet, its scattered practical applications show its ambiguous, if not contradictory, nature. Our hypothesis is that this was related toadeliberate attempt by architects toextrapolate therural-urban divide, both inrepresentations andintheexperimental projects implemented, withtheaim ofpreserving therural habitat specificity, which can be perceived as acontradiction withtheinhabitants' "desire for thecity".

With this contribution, we seek touncover both continuities andchanges inthediscourse andmethodologies ofRuralisme, spanning fromthelate colonial period tothepost-independence era. How were these discourses translated, if atall, into thedesign ofrural villages? What insights dothese initiatives offer into therepresentation oftherural/urban divide? What was therole played by foreign architects inshaping representations ofrural environments andarchitecture?

We discuss thepractical implementation ofthese principles indifferent villages within theGharb Valley, which were part oftheextensive Rural Housing Program initiatives during the1968-72 plan, andwhich had already been apriority area for theService de l'Urbanisme before independence. We examine how theconcept ofRuralisme emerged fromtheoretical frameworks, such as the"Précis de ruralisme", topractical experiments such as theAtelier Mobile surveys conducted by architect Elie Mauret andtheactivities oftheBureau Central des Etudes Rurales. Several experiments that played apivotal role inshaping thediscourse onrural planning andvillage design inMorocco, as part ofabroader ambition to"modernize thecountryside", encompassing both agriculture andways oflife.

As part ofmy Ph.D. dissertation, this research embarks onanexploration ofurban identities within rural settlements situated along ahistorical trade route inlate Ottoman Epirus. This road connected theIonian Sea coast ofEpirus withYannina, thecentral administrative hub oftheperiphery (sancak). Known as the'salt road,' it played apivotal role inthetransportation ofsalt fromthesalt marshes near theestuaries oftheKalamas River. Inconjunction withthesalt marshes, thecrucial local roadstead ofSagiada/Sayada that lead toCorfu, constituted theregion's primary sources ofwealth. They also bestowed upon thearea aunique character as atransitional rural borderland between theWestern world andtheOttoman Empire.

Located intoday's prefecture ofThesprotia, Greece, these settlements have experienced profound demographic andcultural shifts since WWII, leading toabandonment andadaptation within apost-war reality. This transformation has reshaped what was once amulticultural countryside, inhabited by Christians, Albanian-speaking Muslims (the Chams), andnomadic tribes.

Yet, thearchitectural remains, predominantly fromthelate 18^thcentury onwards, offer arich material that speaks tothefusion ofa*gro-pastoral traditions andmodernity, as expressed inthelarge urban centers ofthelate Ottoman Empire. House architecture, marked by various styles, market streets withcoffeehouses serving as hubs for daily exchanges andweekly commercial fairs, andtheintangible aspects offestivities andcelebrations, come tolife through extensive architectural documentation andanethnographic approach, rooted insystematic oral history andpersonal engagement withlocal communities.

The synthesis ofthis material unveils theintricate processes ofspace-making within these rural settlements during thelate Ottoman period. These processes touch upon efforts for self andcommunity definition, thecirculation ofwealth andtastes, as well as collective practices, daily interactions, andthepolitics ofeveryday life inrural settings.

The scope ofthis paper centered ontherural network ofAnkara, Turkey, within its authentic geographical domain. As an"Anatolian Highland", thecity presents different topographical characteristics, consisting ofterraces, valleys, slopes, andcreeks related tothevalley formations. Theparticular geographical relationships were maintained intherural formation until themid-20^thcentury when tremendous urban growth started. After this process, thetopographical layout has been flattened out inthebuilt environment, while thewaterscape has mostly been channelized.

The primary purpose oftheproposed study is toportray thelandform characteristics that generated rural settings andlifestyles within theIslamic domain. Fromageographical perspective, thepaper investigates thestories about topography andwater in19^th-century Ankara based onCadastral Record Books fromtheOttoman period, travel books, andthe1839 Von Vincke Map. These sources provide rich insights into thelandform characteristics, waterscape, rural landscapes, transportation networks (roads), andthetransformation ofthebuilt environment over time. By delving into the19^th-century rural landscapes ofAnkara, we aim toshed light onhow theregion's unique landforms andwaterways shaped its rural life and, inturn, how they were impacted by theforces ofurbanization. This study attempts tobridge this transformation's historical andgeographical dimensions, offering adeeper understanding ofrural-urban encounters within thecontext oftheIslamic world.

Keywords: Landform, waterscape, rural landscape, transportation networks, Ankara

In Bosnia, atthebeginning oftheOttoman period (15th-17^thcenturies), asingular phenomenon can be observed: atregular intervals, vakf structures were founded inrural areas, leading totheemergence ofsettlements. Inmost cases, these settlements developed tothepoint ofbeing characterized as "towns" or"cities" by thecontemporaries, their administration andlater by historiography. Very soon, as exemplified withthecase ofSarajevo, thehistory ofthese establishments had tobe grasped fromtheteleological perspective of"becoming acity" (Šabanović 1960; Handžić 1975; Zlatar 1996). This bias has allowed several generations ofresearchers todisregard aprecise observation ofurban trajectories over theOttoman period: fromtheimmediate foundation tothe"city's fully-accomplished development", theintermediate evolution andits stages are usually not traced. Similarly, no mapping ofurban development is proposed, nor questioning oftheactors andtheir means. Finally, theregional economic orstrategic context is also rarely taken into account.

This presentation is based onthecomparative study offour settlements undertaken within my PhD. dissertation inIslamic Archaeology, relying onanexamination ofboth remaining architectural material andarchival documentation (tahrir defter-s andvakf inventories). Thus, this presentation propose toinvestigate thetransition fromrural tourban spaces inEarly Ottoman Bosnia. Withoutconsidering "becoming acity" as anend towards which these vakf foundations necessarily tend, theaim is toclarify thegraduality involved inthedevelopment ofthese spaces, often spread over several decades. This allows therefore toestablish aspectrum ofrural-urban transition forms, going beyond theduality of"failure"/"success" inherent inthe"town founding" pattern.

Located onTunisia's Mediterranean coast about 100 km fromTunis, Enfidaville was developed as acolonial agricultural settlement onland owned by theFrench Société Agricole et Immobilière Franco-Africaine. Set amidst fields ofolive trees andvineyards, thecity center hosted thetypical elements ofaregional colonial town built during theFrench Protectorate (1881–1956), including atrain station, school, post office, amosque, andaCatholic church. Capitalizing onthearea's rich Roman history, Church officials saw that Enfidaville's Church ofSaint Augustine was designed andbuilt tohouse 49 Early Christian mosaics unearthed nearby atthesite ofancient Uppenna within thebuilding. Thelandmark building was inaugurated in1907 andbecame asite ofChristian pilgrimage. This strategic exploitation ofantiquity andearly Christianity was common inthecountry's capital andadjacent Carthage, but less soinits far-flung villages andtowns where church buildings were typically more utilitarian intheir service ofEuropean residents.

This case study ofEnfidaville's church offers anopportunity toconsider built environments outside Tunisia's major urban centers andhow they were—or were not—woven into theself-aggrandizing historicist narratives articulated by elite colonizers. As thepaper illustrates, this single structure is revealing inits manifestations ofthecomplex socio-political andarchitectural links between Paris, Rome, Tunis, andEnfidaville during thenineteenth andtwentieth centuries, as well as interactions among thetown's various European andTunisian residents. Inthechurch's design, decoration, andfunction, one comes tounderstand theexpansive history ofcolonial occupation andsacred spaces that supported theimage andagenda oftheFrench Empire inNorth Africa.

Housing therefugees of1922 was anissue that significantly shaped Greek city. Insome cases, through organized interventions by theGreek state andinother cases through improvised initiatives, therefugees were housed indifferent areas, based ontheavailable land, theproximity toindustrial zones andports for finding work andthesocial andeconomic profile oftheresidents oftheexisting residential areas.

The aim ofthis presentation is toinvestigate theevolution oftwo refugee settlements ofNea Smyrni andNea Philadelphia fromtheir construction until today andtheway theconditions ofeach era affected their form andstructure.

The methodology oftheresearch includes theinvestigation oftheareas inthree phases. Inthefirst phase, it examines theinitial plans andthebasic principles oftheurban organization oftherefugee areas. Thesecond phase examines thechanges that have taken place inthese two areas over time intheform andstructure andinthethird phase it examines theform, uses andstructure ofthese areas today, through thecoexistence ofold andnew constructions. It analyzes thestructural urban elements that are currently preserved andthose that have been altered orreplaced by new elements sothat these areas can be adapted tothemodern needs oftheir inhabitants.

The aim ofthepresentation is toevaluate thedegree ofpreservation oftheurban characteristics ofthetwo case studies andtoidentify thefactors that have influenced their spatial identity over time.

The role ofspatial planning can be decisive inperiods ofchanges. Political, economic andsocial changes have diachronically indifferent degree formed thehousing needs for societies. But how has planning faced thehousing needs fromtherefugee's arrival? Greece has faced different phenomena through thelast two centuries. Withthearrival of1,5million refugees fromMinor Asia, theCivilian War, theindustrial development, andtherecent waves ofrefugees fromtheBalkan countries andtheMediterranean war zones, it formulated proposals for their housing which differed. Since 1922, theGreek State faced thehousing crisis withtwo main ways. Theimmediate construction ofdwellings withthefinancial assistance ofinternational organizations andthelegislation ofrules which defined ways for housing andareas which were proposed for their settlement ofits new residents. During thesame period Italy andSpain had faced refugees' arrival indifferent time periods but withpolicies that were characterized withdifferences andsimilarities withtheGreek case.

Today, thenew refugee crisis that is caused by thepolitical scene intheMediterranean andinother zones is faced withthesame way. Again, theinternational funds assist housing andagain theState proposes andlegislates rules that will make housing easier.

The current paper attempts toinvestigate thepolicies for refugees housing now andthen, thefactors that influenced thehousing issue andthesimilarities anddifferences presented inboth periods inGreece, Spain andItaly. It will examine thehousing programmes andthespatial tools that were developed indifferent historic periods, andit will evaluate their effectiveness interms ofintegration withtherest urban zones andsocial cohesion. Finally, it will focus onthecurrent refugees housing needs, andit will investigate thepolicies andthestrategies for their integration withtheuse ofcase studies.

The fragility andtheresilience ofthesmaller elements ofthesettlement is one ofthegreatest challenges inEurope. Its theory andpractise are widely researched anddisputed inmacro level. Most research focuses ontheextremes: metropolitan areas anddepopulating villages. Theimportance oftheresearch is that by examining thedevelopment paths ofsmall towns, we can better understand how typical oratypical this change is. TheJanus-faced character ofthesmall-town inCarpathian basin* concept is further exacerbated by thecurrent pandemic andrequires arethink. Theprestige ofrural life is rising, andthis creates theopportunity for formal small towns tobe filled withfunctions.

Liveability is synonymously identified inrecent studies withthedefinitions ofsuccess, effectiveness, competitiveness, supportiveness, good functioning, agility andresilience. Thecriteria for successful/liveability settlement, can be defined based ontheresearch carried out sofar infour main points: natural andcultural resources, local society - local elites, stability oftheinstitutional system (the mayor andrepresentatives), financing. These factors can be linked toboth objective andsubjective measures ofsuccess. Furthermore, thestudy examines theconcept ofvulnerability inafunctional sense inCarpatian small towns andseeks toanswer thequestion: what dynamics have been observed inrecent years withregard tothequality oflife insmall towns. Themodel presented focuses ontheimpact offive main factors: population dynamics (since thebeginning ofthe19^thcentury), infrastructure (human, physical, health, digital), impact ofpublic administration (legal status, central role), economic power, attractiveness.

* Iuse theterm Carpathian Basin torefer totheneighbouring parts oftheterritory ofthehistorical Hungarian settlements outside Hungary; Austria: Burgenland, Slovakia: Felvidék, Ukraine: Kárpátalja, Romania: Transylvania andPartium, Serbia: Vajdaság, Croatia: Drávaszög, South-Baranja-Slavonia, Slovenia: Muravian region.

Adaptive reuse is essential for heritage buildings, including those inold industrial areas. Theimplementation ofurban regeneration projects can make areal difference inthevitality andsustainable development ofcities. This is all themore important inRomania, where thede-industrialization ofthelast three decades has been areal social andeconomic challenge, withindustrial areas seeing alarge andrapid process ofdestruction, while thelegislative vacuum has led toirreparable losses ofindustrial architecture.

This study aims toanalyze theuse ofindustrial heritage andits role as anengine ofurban revitalization, using thecity ofIasi as acase study. Theresearch is based onofficial statistical data from1912-2022, supplemented by qualitative data extracted fromour own investigations, press information, andtheuse ofimages fromGoogle Earth.

The results highlighted thepredominant use offormer industrial areas for real estate purposes, withoutconcern topreserve buildings withreal architectural value. However, there are also some successful examples, inwhich former factories dating back more than 100 years have been rehabilitated andintegrated into theurban landscape.

The conclusions are generally valid for many cities inEastern Europe: industrial architectural heritage must be used by creating new functional cores withacatalytic role, as therehabilitation ofthese spaces contributes toredefining cultural identity andbringing back thesense ofbelonging totheinhabitants. Inthis regard, we hypothesize that inRomania (with afew notable exceptions) andespecially inthecity ofIasi there is not aclear trend ofpreserving theurban industrial heritage, but rather afast andprofitable capitalization fromafinancial point ofview. Theexistence ofaquality public space leads toanincrease inthequality oflife andtothecreation ofsustainable communities.

The paper will explore thechanging character ofCatania by exploring theplanning practices andthechanging image ofthecity inthepast 100 years, by focusing ontheplan for Librino by Kenzo Tange from1972. Theplan, embracing theprinciples ofthemetabolism movement, contributed totheideas oftheexpansion ofthecity inits periphery andhad animpact also ontheoverall organisation ofCatania. Designed tohouse 70,000 inhabitants, Kenzo Tange's project for Librino aimed tocreate anideal model ofaneighbourhood where housing units, district centres andpublic amenities, parks andsport facilities were spatially adapting tothecomplex topographies ofthesite. Agreen axis andagreen corridor represented central design principles for thespatial organisation ofLibrino, surrounding thehousing units but also spatially connecting them. These open spaces ofLibrino were also designed toaccommodate theeveryday life activities ofthelocal communities intheneighbourhood.

These ideas from1972 formed thespatial structure ofLibrino, andalso helped indefining thedirections for thefuture growth ofCatania. Building ontheplan from1972, this contribution will focus ontheinnovative approaches ofKenzo Tange's plan for Librino by analysing theoriginal planning documents for theneighbourhood andthrough interviews withresidents, tracing theorigins, urban morphologies andstructuralist approaches employed by Tange. Theresearch will highlight thecrucial role ofinternational exchanges instilled inLibrino by Kenzo Tange in1972 andhis involvement intheproject. Furthermore, theresearch seeks todiscuss thelegacy oftheoriginal plan for Librino based onprimary data collected through field investigations inLibrino.

From theTokyo Bay Project totheMasterplan for theOsaka Expo, Kenzo Tange's work has deeply influenced urban design onboth sides oftheIron Curtain, redefining theimage ofcities intheNorthern hemisphere as much as ofthose intheGlobal South. Among his most relevant projects, Skopje (1965-) andBologna (1967-) stand out. Being only acouple ofyears apart, these two only partially completed projects offer aninteresting opportunity toaddress Tange's peculiar approach tourban design andtoevaluate his legacy inthefield ofboth architecture andurban planning.

Using previously unpublished documents andafter extensive archival research, thepaper aims atinvestigating urban design according toKenzo Tange fromatransnational perspective. Peculiar totheprofessional andintellectual milieu ofthe"affluent society", Skopje andBologna's case studies clearly exemplify thepivotal role ofhistory andimages within Tange's production. Infact, Skopje's "gate" and"wall" andBologna's "porticoes" and"piazza" are not just references tocharacteristic local architectural andurban elements but are rather tobe intended as metaphorical bridges capable ofbringing together thepast withthepresent, andthen withafuture yet tobe built. This approach, theorigin ofwhich can be traced toJapan andtotheinterwar period tosay least, met withgreat success inthesecond half ofthe20^thcentury, consolidating Tange's popularity well beyond theborders ofhis homeland.

Taking into consideration thecontext inwhich Kenzo Tange's ideas originated andinvestigating them then through theselected case studies, my paper identifies inthe"future past quality" ofhis approach acrucial issue for contemporary urban debates andthevery reason why he became accepted as part oftheWestern-dominated avant-garde ofarchitects.

This experimental paper takes up theidea of"parallax view" (the reading ofauthors/ideas through adifferent lens), which comes fromKojin Karatani's Transcritique (2003), as method toapproach Kenzo Tange (1913-2005) andhis urban ideas through Vienna andits architects Carl Pruscha (*1936) andJohann Staber (1928-2005) andvice versa. Theaim ofthis endeavors is torethink thelimits ofcontrol, that are envisioned andexperienced inthefuturistic ideas ofurban structures andbuildings, based ontwo sets ofcase studies.

First, viewed through two art exhibitions regarding Tange's Plan for Skopje displayed inVienna, namely "No Feeling Is Final. TheSkopje Solidarity Collection" (at Kunsthalle Wien) and"A Revisionist Model ofSolidarity" (at Secession) thecontemporary Vieannese contextualization andinterpretation ofTange's Reconstruction Plan for Skopje (1965) is analyzed. Second, based ontheworks "Global Linear City" (1963) by Carl Pruscha and"Vienna International Centre (UNO-City, Vienna)" by Johann Staber (planned 1968, built 1972-1979), theKenzo Tange's 1960 Master Plan for Tokyo is revisited as aninspiration for coeval architects inEurope as well as aninstance oftheglobal landscape ofurban ideas inthepostwar era. By doing so, this paper tries toprovide aclose reading fromadistant place ofKenzo Tange's urban master plans fromthe1960s withacritical emphasis onthelimits ofcontrol imposed by real life tothese overarching plans.

During theFirst World War, most school buildings were occupied by thearmies oftheCentral Powers. Until theend ofthewar, theAustro-Hungarian, Hungarian andGerman armies used school buildings as military accommodation orhospitals.

Timisoara, theseat ofTimis County, was one ofthebig cities where contact withsoldiers ofdifferent nationalities became almost adaily experience for civilians. Although Timisoara did not become atheatre ofwar, thepermanent military presence had animpact onthelife ofthelocal schools' public. Inmy presentation, Iam going tofocus onmethods used by students, teachers andcivilians toresist orcoexist withthis situation. Besides, Iwant topoint out how they were helped by school authorities (minister, director general oftheschool district, headmaster). How did local politicians react andwhat solutions did they apply todefend their own population? How did theRomanian occupation change thesituation in1919? These questions are complicated by thefact that Timisoara had amixed ethnic composition (Hungarian, Romanian, German) attheturn ofthecentury.

On theone hand, thesources ofmy research were provided by theHungarian National Archives (Usage ofschool building for military purposes, Hospital Affairs) andby theHungarian Franciscan Archives (Franciscan High School inTimisoara). Ontheother hand, Ialso used fonds fromtheTimisoara Archives oftheRomanian National Archives (Records oftheChief Bailiff Judge, Schools inTimisoara).

Since theend oftheGreat Eastern crisis, theadriatic city ofShkodër/Skadar/Scutari was inthefrontline oftheOttoman Empire against thenational slavic projects. During theBalkan wars, thekingdom ofMontenegro took possession ofit for ayear, after along siege, before anaval blockade forced dit togive way toaninternational administration, following thecreation ofanAlbanian state. Theoutbreak oftheFirst World War enabled Montenegro toregain possession ofthecity, before being driven out by Austria-Hungary which occupied thecity inJanuary 1916 until its defeat inOctober 1918. Intheimmediate post-war period, Shkodër was once again placed under interallied administration before being permanently incorporated into theAlbanian state inMarch 1920.

During thelong First World War, Shkodra was ontheborders ofnot just one but several countries occupying orcoveting it (the Ottoman Empire, Albania, Montenegro, Austria-Hungary, then finally thekingdom ofSerbs, Croats andSlovenes), not to mention theforeign powers who were intrusted withits management ontwo occasions (France, Italy andGreat Britain). It therefore presents aunique case ofafrontier town inwhich thestakes are exacerbated not only by theinternational context, but also by asense ofurgency andgreat precariousness. Each oftheoccupying powers therefore endeavoured torapidly adopt measures toguarantee lasting possession, using all available means, both repressive (executions, expulsions) andencouraging (appointments, promotions). These multiple shifts inpatronage inevitably raise thequestion ofthelongevity ofallegiances andthereasons behind them, inacontext where choices often involve ahigh degree ofrisk-taking.

The aim ofthis paper is firstly tostudy thepositioning oflocal players inrelation tothediplomatic andmilitary narratives andstrategies put inplace by thevarious protagonists inorder tosecure definitive possession ofthetown. We will therefore look athow thevarious ethno-linguistic (Albanian andSlavic) andreligious (Catholic, Orthodox andMuslim) groups position themselves inrelation totheoccupying powers, both local andforeign, andalso inrelation tothose whose presence has ended (Ottoman Empire), is hoped for (Yugoslavia) oris yet tocome (Albania). Atthesame time, we will study theway inwhich each oftheprotagonists projects their presence inthis city, theplace it is supposed tooccupy innational history andintheconcrete construction ofnewly born states. We will also pay particular attention toforeign military personnel andadministrators whose personal orpolitical convictions sometimes interfere withthetheoretically neutral anddisinterested action they are supposed tocarry out by virtue ofthemandate conferred onthem. Finally, as this paper wishes tofocus onindividuals, we will be looking not only atthetraces left inurban space by these successive occupants, but also atthose left incollective andfamily memories. As there are very few scientific studies onthis historic episode, this paper will be based primarily onarchive documents, together withthepress ofthetime andthemany memoirs andaccounts left by direct witnesses oftheperiod.

The Crimean War changed theEuropean system ofalliances profoundly. For theHabsburg Monarchy this entailed therising international tension withRussia which could easily result inamilitary confrontation. Theborder province Galicia, however, was not prepared for this case. Fortification strategies after theRevolution of1848 had focused oninternal security rather than external threats. Accordingly, Galicia remained what militaries had hitherto feared: aplain terrain impossible todefend. However, theconsolidation ofthestate inthe1850s also introduced achange intheself-understanding ofthestate. Henceforth, no part ofits territory was considered dispensable. Therefore, Galicia had tobe prepared tocounter apossible Russian attack.

This paper analyses ontheone hand, how perceptions andfears by theimperial political elite caused alterations inthephysical environment ofmany Galician cities. It shows what measured andwhat resources were atdisposal tothecentral state toprotect remote parts ofits territory against anoverwhelming military power. Ontheother hand, it sheds light onthelimits ofthecentral state inimplementing its planned activities "on theground". It asks how local actors were involved inthetaken measures andhow they could influence theoutcome ofpolitics followed by thecentral state. Atlast, this paper asks for thelasting effect these hastily undertaken fortification projects had onthedevelopment onthelarger fortification strategy ofthemonarchy andontheappearance ofthetowns andcities inwhich they were exercised.

Built near theCarpathians, Sibiu was for several centuries onthegeographical andpolitical border ofpowerful empires, almost always inconflict.

Sibiu was thecapital ofTransylvania (1692–1791), andtheseat ofthecommanding general andtheHabsburg government (1703–1717, 1732–1790). Thetown became themilitary headquarters ofTransylvania. TheWar Chancellery, theWar Commissariat, theWar House, theMilitary Court, theMain Supply Office as well as theDistrict Defense Directorate functioned here. In1914, thetown had around 20 military facilities, including barracks, warehouses, training centers andagarrison hospital.

Over thedecades, modernization, urbanization andsystematization, spread inall aspects ofthetown's life. What began withtheincorporation ofTransylvania into theHabsburg Empire was not only thechange ofasuzerainty, but theconnection tomodern Europe.

The establishment ofthearmy andtheimperial administration inSibiu led tomany structural, cultural, economic, but also mental transformations. Themost numerous buildings were erected during theHabsburg andthen Austro-Hungarian administrations, thecity tripling its area inthose 230years.

The Austrian andAustrian-Hungarian period influenced theurban evolution ofSibiu, not only through thelarge number ofsoldiers who required accommodation, situation solved by building barracks, but also through thecreation ofatrue new town, withpublic facilities, administrative andbourgeois buildings, craft workshops andfactories, cultural, religious andsocial settlements, creating ageneration ofeducated andopen-minded townspeople.

In my planned study, Iwill undertake anurban analysis oftheschool map oftheSlovak-Hungarian border town ofKomárom-Komárno between 1900 and1938. Theunique feature ofthesettlement is that thenorthern (historically older) part oftheformer Hungarian town was annexed toCzechoslovakia in1920. Fromthis point on, Komárno andKomárom can be regarded as anarea ofdisputed belonging, existing ontheborderline ofnation-state aspirations. Drawing onnotion of"frontier urbanism" (R.Zetter, B.K.Blitz, W.Pullan etc.), whereby nation-states make anincreased effort tostrengthen anddevelop peripheries after conflicts, we will explore how this ambition is reflected inconcrete examples ofschool buildings.

Educational architecture is thus discussed through thelens ofnation-state building, one oftheareas where the19^thcentury liberal ideal ofthestate was still dominated by political control rather than free competition, aview that was amplified toanextreme inthe20^thcentury.

Looking atthepre-1920 period ofbuilding schools inthetown, it can be stated that thenew schools, designed toeducate thestate-loyal bourgeois elite, were built inahistorical or'Hungarian' style, according totheneeds ofthetown's elite, which was then also ethnically Hungarian. These new structures stood out fromtheearlier school buildings by their mass andbecame dominant elements ofthetownscape. Theaim was, together withother building projects, tocreate asignificant medium-sized town.

After 1920, theborder situation redefined theframework. There was asignificant exodus ofintellectuals fromtheCzechoslovak-annexed areas, while theSlovak League wanted toestablish anew secondary school that would reflect thespirit ofmodern architecture. Meanwhile, Slovak classes were opened intheformer Hungarian-style school buildings.

The southern part ofthetown, which remained inHungary, had previously been more ofanindustrial suburb. However, inthelate 1920s, withgovernment support, thetown began todevelop inaplanned way. As part ofthis, anew gymnasium was built onacompletely newly shaped square opposite thetown hall, which was also built atthesame time, raised intheneo-baroque style, reflecting thepolitical conservativism oftheperiod inHungary. By the1940s, although political conservatism had not changed, andinfact had shifted totheright, modern architectural solutions were increasingly gaining ground inKomárom as well, following theItalian model.

The study ofKomárom - Komárno is apossible example ofhow central power manifests itself inlocal space through school buildings that define theidentity ofthestate. Inmy presentation Iwill show some parallel Central European examples for further comparing studies, too, like Český Těšín – Cieszyn orGötlitz – Zgorzelec.

The city ofVienna is anexample ofadense, historically developed city, that expanded outwards fromthecity centre as thepopulation andthedemand for space increased. There is, however, one area that was not included inthis otherwise uniform development: Thearea ontheleft side oftheDanube known as Transdanubia. Theriver, which inits unregulated state was awide floodplain dividing thelandscape ofVienna into two parts, was anatural border that thegrowth ofthecity could not overcome for thelongest time.

Even until the19^thcentury, thepolycentric network ofdifferent streets andvillages inthis area was still very rural innature until regulation measures oftheriver were undertaken andseveral new bridges were constructed. These interventions made Transdanubia afocus point ofurban development. Thefollowing increasing urbanisation ofthesettlement structures represents atrend that has been growing even more rapidly – especially alongside traffic axis – since theincreasing motorisation inthe1960s. One oftheconsequences ofthis shift intherelevance ofTransdanubia intheurban context, was asignificant change inthepopulation, both innumbers – fromonly 12 per cent inthe19^thcentury tocurrently over 30per cent ofVienna's total population by current area – but also inoccupation – away fromfarmers living off their own land towards workers. Inconnection withthese processes changes invillage structures andsettlement patterns can be observed. Thevillage cores were densified andtransformed, andthesurrounding fields were used for new development.

The visible andinvisible historical developments, which are spatial, social, political andtechnological innature, have astrong influence onthedevelopment ofthecity, they manifest themselves physically inthecity andtheir traces are still ecident today. This contribution aims tocomprehensively examine these transformation processes inthecontext ofVienna's Transdanubia.

In many nineteenth- andearly twentieth-century cities, extensive urban sanitation schemes were introduced toimprove public health, which usually involved theconstruction ofnew water supply andsewer systems. For these public systems totake effect, however, they also had tobe extended onprivate property as indoor plumbing. There, theneed for new plumbing codes came in. Urban governments aimed toinfluence thehygienic conditions indoors, which implied closely regulating themanufacturing, installation anduse ofprivate sanitary installations.

By thus imposing theuse ofspecific building materials, skills andtechnologies, theadoption ofdetailed building regulations placed great andgrowing demands onbuilding contractors, workers andartisans. Especially inarapidly developing field as sanitary engineering, they frequently had toadapt their skillset andbusiness operations inresponse tonew building codes. Looking atthis process through thecase study ofplumbers andmanufacturers ofsanitaryware, however, this paper argues that this was atwo-way process ofinteraction. Builders not only passively adapted, but also actively tried toinfluence regulations incorrespondence withtheir own business interests which, as aresult, have played arole inshaping themorphology ofcities as well.

As sanitary habits andforms ofwater use were highly dependent onlocal political, urban morphological andenvironmental conditions, theresearch focuses onandcompares three capital cities, London, Paris andBrussels, where different sets ofplumbing regulations were introduced, andwhere different types ofinteractions between governments andbuilders consequently emerged. Based onvarious government-drafted sources, thepaper discusses government-industry interactions in(i) thedrafting process ofbuilding regulations, (ii) theenforcement ofthese regulations, and(iii) theattempts toestablish alicensing andregistration scheme for plumbers.

In this presentation, Iwill introduce thekey actors responsible for shaping themunicipal policy related tothecity's "beautification" andtheir arguments regarding thearrangement ofgreen spaces. Iwill also explore how their ideas correlated withtheurban policies inlate 19^thcentury Lviv.

The broader frame ofmy research includes several groups ofactors who participated inthese processes. Thefirst group ofactors consisted ofthecity authorities, specifically thedeputies oftheLviv city council who worked attheparticular sections. Inthis case, my focus lies within thebuilding section. Thesecond group comprised theexecutive body, theMagistrat, whose specialists were involved intheplanning andexecuting parks, including architects andgardeners. Thenext group included those who used theparks andleft their impressions, reflecting ontheactions taken by thefirst andsecond groups ofactors towards thecity's greening. Finally, though often invisible toresearch, thesuburban landscape plays also asignificant role inmy study. However, this presentation will primarily concentrate onthefirst two groups ofactors.

My current research is mainly based onthetranscripts oftheplenary meetings oftheLviv city council's building section, which have not been analysed inLviv's historiography before. These documents shed light onthediscussions andcommunication between deputies andtheMagistrat.

Using Stryjski Park as anexample, which was not thefirst public park inthecity but was perceived by local city authorities as their finest achievement andsomething tobe proud ofafter thecity gained its self-governing status in1870th, Iwill explore how this specific milieu aroused theconcept ofcreating agreen belt, the"Corso", tounite thecity's green areas. Finally, inaccordance withthis, Iwill address thefollowing questions: Were there precise strategies for implementing the"Corso"? Was it aunique plan orinfluenced by examples fromother European cities?"

Thirty years after thesigning oftheBelfast Peace Agreement, Belfast is no longer thesite ofassassinations, bombs, andsectarian riots. However, thecity remains onpermanent war footing – because theBritish Army designed it that way. Divided by so-called 'peace walls' andcarved up by other hidden architectures that are theresult oftheBritish Army's usurpation ofmunicipal planning decisions during theTroubles, Belfast is acity unable torise above its past because it is literally planned tofail.

Using primary source material extracted fromthePublic Records Office ofNorthern Ireland, theRoyal Engineers Museum inKent, UK, andtheNational Archives atKew, my paper illuminates theways building codes were weaponised for political andmilitary/tactical advantage, which irrevocably altered themorphology ofBelfast. Research shows that features that are considered 'typically Belfast', are infact theresult ofthesecurity service's demands onthebuilding code: one-way streets, cul-de-sacs, lack oftrees andstreet landscaping, andempty lots were all deliberate choices toadvantage theBritish Army anddisadvantage ordinary citizens ofBelfast, particularly theCatholic community.

I argue that resulting unattractive features – such as derelict homes andovergrown lots – were intentional attempts tofurther devalue Belfast's real estate, thus making thecity even more reliant onLondon for its survival.

This paper expands thehistoriography oftheurban history ofanimportant European city, as well as pinpoint theinterference oftheUK army inwhat should have been ordinary municipal issues, asubject that has been rumoured for years but never investigated fully.

I submit that as long as Belfast remains stamped withthelegacy oftheBritish Army's design, Belfast will never reach its full potential as anopen, modern city.

Modern building codes have been introduced into Austrian legislation since thebeginning ofthe19^thcentury. ThePrague one in1815, theVienna one attheend ofthe1920s. Thebuilding regulations merged theexisting fire regulations andlay down thebasic conditions for how houses should be built tobe safe andtheir construction durable. Thephysical form ofthehouses is gradually regulated by partial additions tothese regulations. These stipulate that modern cities inthefirst half ofthe19^thcentury are not tobe lavishly decorated andthat facades are tobe kept simple.

Similar alterations inboth cities diverged significantly after themiddle ofthecentury. TheViennese legislation has been responding totherapid growth andtheneed toredevelop thecity centre since the1950s, andthenew building codes are thus written toallow for more significant redevelopment andexpansion. InPrague, this legislative adjustment andexpansion would not occur until thecentury itself.

In both cases, thenew legislation will regulate storeys, street widths andother basic parameters that will affect theoverall urban design ofnew andredeveloped neighbourhoods. Invarious forms, however, thenature ofthelegislation will also affect theappearance ofthebuildings themselves: it will affect thenumber ofbalconies, bay windows, but not least thesheer variety ofstyles (from Neo-Renaissance, Neo-Gothic andNeo-Baroque toArt Nouveau andWagnerian Modern Architecture).

This paper will attempt toshow that building codes donot only affect theoverall urban regulations, but extend tothedesign ofthebuilding detail itself. These examples will be developed mainly onPrague andVienna, but will also peripherally touch upon other Austrian cities (Brno, Cracow, Lvov).

Layers ofLondon (layersoflondon.org) is aparticipatory mapping project which aims tobring together theoverlapping layers ofexperience andcommunity heritage within thecity through theparadigm ofweb mapping. Theproject was funded by theUK Lottery Heritage Fund from2017 to2020. It enabled partnerships withkey national heritage organisations, themajority ofLondon's local borough councils, andmany independent community groups andschools. There are now more than 400 georeferenced historic map 'overlays' toexplore, andmore than 14,000 user-contributed mainly photographic 'record' pins. Theproject also catalysed thedevelopment oftheHUMAP mapping platform, which now supports numerous other projects anddigital library resources.

Layers ofLondon was amajor departure fromtraditional research project approaches for theInstitute ofHistorical Research, andfostered new approaches tocommunity collaboration andpartnership. Naturally, this involved both successes andchallenges, andprompts reflection onhow map-based visualisation can connect academics andcommunities. Participation worked atmany levels andattracted different communities, fromcrowdsourcing georeferencing ofaerial photographs, which attracted adedicated enthusiasts; tocommunity archiving workshops; andperhaps actually most powerfully community mapping days withchalk andblackboard! Layers ofLondon now continues togrow during its maintenance phase, as we reflect onhow best totarget our limited continuity resources, andconsider future developments indigital infrastructure for community-led place-based histories.

Over thecenturies, important towns andcities around theworld have been thesubject ofasignificant number ofdrawn, painted, engraved, but above all printed representations. Partial orgeneral urban views made between thetwo 'cultural revolutions' (printing andphotography), i.e. fromthebeginning ofthe16th century tothemiddle ofthe19^thcentury, were printed inbooks and/or have circulated as prints.

Showing intellectual elitism, cultural historians andart historians have neglected this type ofimages considering them oflow quality. But historical images are important testi¬mo-nies, recording on-the-spot observation oftheevents depicted, thus allowing us toimagine thepast more easily. Infact, their role was tobring thepublic news, oreven better, curiosities fromtheexotic world ofothers, be it withother customs, another language, another religion, other geographical location andsoon. They satisfied theneed for images fromdistant places felt by those who could not travel.

We are tempted tolook athistorical images only as valuable objects displayed inmuseums orkept inspecial cabinets, forgetting that their purpose was different. It is anerror ofthemodern, dependent ontechnology people, who forgets that inanother historical period people lived differently.

This paper aims todraw attention tothecultural, educational andhistoriographical role ofhistorical images oftowns, studying their role as amedium for transmitting knowledge; fromteacher topupil, fromfather toson, fromauthor to reader, fromartist toviewer.

American scholar andcity planner Kevin Lynch (1918-1984) was apioneer inconducting projects for visual representations. Lynch was interested inrepresentations that could be drawn by orcommunicated withordinary citizens. Atypical example was what Lynch called "community visual survey" for which citizens together withdesign andplanning professionals surveyed aparticular community ofits current visual form andappearance, while simultaneously addressing historical, present, andfuture design andplanning qualities andproblems. Although Lynch andhis collaborators were interested inurban history andactively addressed themeanings ofhistorical buildings andtheurban past invisual surveys andquestionnaires, Lynch's participatory projects were not primarily conducted toinvestigate orcommunicate urban history but intended tofind out what people thought andfelt inurban environments, andultimately, what kind ofarchitecture andurban design people preferred andwanted. Lynch could be identified as aforerunner inusing visual representation for citizen participation indesign andplanning projects, andthere were also parallel explorations, elsewhere, as well as followers ofLynch's ideas andmethods.

This paper studies historical participatory projects ofurban research (i.e., projects fromthepast) through thelens ofKevin Lynch anddeploys theprojects as primary research material. Thefocus is onthehistory ofparticipatory visualization projects andtheir aims, methods, processes, andresults, withspecific attention onordinary citizens' visualization oftheir immediate physical environment. Thepaper discusses thepossibilities ofusing historical participatory projects as sources for history research andwriting. Additionally, thepaper speculates onthepossibilities andusefulness ofusing historical participatory projects as means tocommunicate urban history: whether through renewed analyses ofhistorical "citizen science" projects; as blueprints for reenacting historical projects andtheir questionnaires andtasks again andcomparing theresults withtheoriginal; oras models for new visual representation projects that could produce what Lynch called "public transcripts" ofurban life.

The Öresund region is thearea around theSound ofÖresund, between Denmark andSweden. Before 1658 it was thecentre ofDenmark withCopenhagen, thecapital andthepolitical centre, fromatleast the17^thcentury, onthewestern side andthecentre oftheDanish Church, fromtheearly Medieval time, inLund ontheeastern side. Around Öresund, there were lots oftrade activities andtrade towns. Andintherural areas, there were lot ofpeasants andrich noblemen. It was thewealthiest andmost important part ofDenmark.

In themiddle ofthis area, anew border between Denmark andSweden was theresult ofawar in1658. Intraditional history writing, this is thestory about ahard borderline between theDanish andtheSwedish states – between national laws andnational identities. Aborder stopping theold contacts andthepossibilities ofmaking new contacts.

In our research group we are critical tothis. Theearly modern states did not have those strong borders – not that strong states andnot such fixed national identities. We want tolook for atransnational region withcontacts similar tothose before 1658, but also contacts using new possibilities after that. This was ofcourse equally important for all thetowns andurban areas – they got aspecial andinteresting position inthis border region, which we will show.

With theurbanization that followed industrialization fromthemiddle ofthe19th century, theold urban network attheÖresund developed into two urban regions onopposite sides ofthestrait. Inthepost-war period, consisting oftheDanish capital metropolis onthewestern side oftheÖresund with1.7 million inhabitants andontheeastern side ofthestrait anurban belt fromTrelleborg inthesouth toHelsingborg inthenorth andafew other cities withatotal of1 million inhabitants.

Withthevarious proposals for fixed connections across theÖresund, different visions were drawn up for anÖresund metropolis ofmore than 4 million inhabitants. Thevision initially did not become areality, when theDanish parliament failed toratify theDanish-Swedish government agreement ontwo fixed connections across theÖresund. TheÖresund Bridge was only opened in2000, but thequestion is whether thetwo city regions onopposite sides oftheÖresund have merged into one city region: AnÖresund metropolis.

Before andduring thebuilding period oftheÖresund bridge inthelate 1990´s, thediminished importance ofnation-states was predicted. Anew Europe oftheborder regions would emerge andmore andmore decision-making would take place atasupranational EU orregional level. Thenew transnational Öresund connection would, both symbolically andpractically, be attheforefront ofthis development andbe agrowth engine for theentire new border region.

An important element inthemarketing andidentity building around thenew region was thehighlighting ofaspecial form ofScandinavian state-led modernity intheregion withanemphasis onhigh quality oflife, open anddemocratic societies, withegalitarian ideals andwithrationality as aguiding light. Atthesame time, this promotion was also aimed atinternational capital markets withanemphasis onhigh technological know-how andpeaceful labor markets.

However, what was already clear during thebridge-building period was that thenation-states were not as weak as acertain form ofrhetoric suggested. National differences intheperception ofhow therational, modern society should be organized became clear when national regulations were tobe adapted through regional construction.

The development since then withtherefugee crisis in2015, theintroduction ofborder controls inEurope andtheregion shows that thenational modernity projects have changed shape.

The integration oftheUpper Adriatic region, which had formerly been part ofdistinct imperial settings, into two states withdiffering ideological orientations following World WarII - Italy, oriented toward theWest, andYugoslavia, initially pro-Soviet andlater independently socialist - gave rise tovarious forms ofcollaboration, competition, anddistinct strategies for valuing thepre-existing cultural heritage across various domains. Among these domains, architecture stands out due toits association withthediverse construction andreconstruction approaches employed intheborder-adjacent areas. These dynamics were exacerbated, onone hand, by thefact that these regions had borne thebrunt ofthehaphazard redefinition ofborder lines. Ontheother hand, these were also areas heavily affected by conflict, as seen inthecase ofZadar.

With historians having already thoroughly examined theinstitutional andarchitectural aspects ofthis issue, thepurpose ofmy paper is todelve into theusage ofpost-war architecture inthecontext oftheCold War. Such usage ofarchitecture is primarily viewed as asymbolic contest between distinct political systems. By scrutinizing local newspapers such as "Il Piccolo," "Slovenski Jadran," "Nova Gorica," and"Primorske Novice," reviewing pertinent scholarly works andexploring relevant films anddocumentaries, my contribution aims toprovide afoundation for discussion andfuture research. This research is essential for comprehending acrucial aspect oftheCold War's history attheItaly-Yugoslavia border, where capitalism andsocialism, Venetian andHabsburg heritages, neoclassicism andvarious modernist architectural approaches intersect.